Chrono-log公司測定血小板功能的新型凝集計
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一種新型凝集計通過檢測全血或者血漿的光密度，從而提高異常血小板功能的檢測，而且能夠通過化學發光法檢測三磷酸腺苷。
這種新型700集合度計能夠進行瑞斯托菌素輔助因子檢測，診斷von Willebrands疾病。這是由Chrono-log(Havertown, PA, USA)公司研制開發的，而由Labmedics公司(Manchester, UK)經銷。能夠快速提供準確的結構，全血/化學發光凝集計是十分可靠的診斷工具和高級篩選系統。包括700型軟件程序都能夠用于血小板凝集和瑞斯托菌素輔助因子檢測。
Aggregometer Measures Platelet Function
A new aggregometer has been developed that improves detection of abnormal platelet function by using electrical impedence in whole blood or optical density in plasma, while simultaneously measuring adenosine triphosphate (ATP) release by the luminescence method.
The new aggregometer 700 is also capable of performing the Ristocetin cofactor assay for diagnosing patients with von Willebrands disease. It was developed by Chrono-log (Havertown, PA, USA) and is distributed by Labmedics (Manchester, UK). Providing accurate results with a fast turnaround time, the whole-blood/luminescence-aggregometer is both a reliable diagnostic tool and a comprehensive screening system. Included with the model 700 are software programs for the platelet aggregation and Ristocetin cofactor assays.
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2010年10月30日星期六
ChinaBio宣布合作論壇官方合作伙伴
ChinaBio宣布合作論壇官方合作伙伴
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生命科學領袖機構全力支持中國首屆合作論壇
即將于2009年6月23- 24日在上海舉行的ChinaBio? 合作論壇近日宣布了其官方合作伙伴：BayHelix, BioCentury Publishing, BusinessWire, goBalto.com, GVA Kidder Matthews, Nature Publishing Group及OneMedPlace。ChinaBio? 合作論壇是中國首屆專注于生命科學產業的國際性合作會議，由ChinaBio? LLC和EBD集團共同舉辦。ChinaBio? LLC是中國生命科學會議的領導型主辦機構， EBD集團在合作會議領域在歐洲和美國享有盛譽。
“我們非常榮幸地宣布，ChinaBio 合作論壇擁有一批最優秀的機構作為官方合作伙伴，”ChinaBio 的首席執行官和創始人Greg Scott先生說。“比如說，BayHelix在中國生命科學產業的領導者中擁有很強的影響力。BayHelix與ChinaBio的攜手合作將吸引更多的行業領袖加入到我們的合作論壇中來。”
除BayHelix和ChinaBio其他官方合作伙伴外，ChinaBio合作論壇的部分贊助商還包括Astrazeneca, Bayer, , Life Technologies, Merck, Pfizer和Roche。此次大會預計將有超過500多名參會者，其中40% 的參會者來自海外。Scott先生表示，截止今日的注冊參會者中，52%的參會者來自公司的高級管理層，已有包括來自澳大利亞、加拿大、法國、德國、以色列、意大利、俄羅斯、新加坡、瑞士、英國和美國在內的20多個國家的公司代表注冊參會。
此次合作論壇邀請了45位演講嘉賓和專題演講人在主項目和研討會中討論中國生命科學產業相關議題。此外，80多家公司和研究人員將在此次論壇展示其新技術尋求合作機會。此次論壇啟用EBD集團的partneringONE?軟件，為參會者在會前提供預約1對1會晤的平臺，突顯此次論壇的合作主題。
請訪問www.CBPF2009.com，獲取包括在線合作系統、論壇注冊、議程更新信息在內的更多論壇資訊。
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生命科學領袖機構全力支持中國首屆合作論壇
即將于2009年6月23- 24日在上海舉行的ChinaBio? 合作論壇近日宣布了其官方合作伙伴：BayHelix, BioCentury Publishing, BusinessWire, goBalto.com, GVA Kidder Matthews, Nature Publishing Group及OneMedPlace。ChinaBio? 合作論壇是中國首屆專注于生命科學產業的國際性合作會議，由ChinaBio? LLC和EBD集團共同舉辦。ChinaBio? LLC是中國生命科學會議的領導型主辦機構， EBD集團在合作會議領域在歐洲和美國享有盛譽。
“我們非常榮幸地宣布，ChinaBio 合作論壇擁有一批最優秀的機構作為官方合作伙伴，”ChinaBio 的首席執行官和創始人Greg Scott先生說。“比如說，BayHelix在中國生命科學產業的領導者中擁有很強的影響力。BayHelix與ChinaBio的攜手合作將吸引更多的行業領袖加入到我們的合作論壇中來。”
除BayHelix和ChinaBio其他官方合作伙伴外，ChinaBio合作論壇的部分贊助商還包括Astrazeneca, Bayer, , Life Technologies, Merck, Pfizer和Roche。此次大會預計將有超過500多名參會者，其中40% 的參會者來自海外。Scott先生表示，截止今日的注冊參會者中，52%的參會者來自公司的高級管理層，已有包括來自澳大利亞、加拿大、法國、德國、以色列、意大利、俄羅斯、新加坡、瑞士、英國和美國在內的20多個國家的公司代表注冊參會。
此次合作論壇邀請了45位演講嘉賓和專題演講人在主項目和研討會中討論中國生命科學產業相關議題。此外，80多家公司和研究人員將在此次論壇展示其新技術尋求合作機會。此次論壇啟用EBD集團的partneringONE?軟件，為參會者在會前提供預約1對1會晤的平臺，突顯此次論壇的合作主題。
請訪問www.CBPF2009.com，獲取包括在線合作系統、論壇注冊、議程更新信息在內的更多論壇資訊。
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CCBR斥資八千萬元在華建臨床研究中心
CCBR斥資八千萬元在華建臨床研究中心
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總部位于丹麥的CCBR（臨床與基礎研究中心）在京宣布：截至2006年1月，該公司將投資8000萬元在北京建立"國際中心實驗室"、CCBR中國臨床研究中心及其他生物醫藥研發項目。
現任丹麥國會副主席、CCBR董事會主席Niels在近日召開的第八屆北京科博會上表示，CCBR對中國一期投資包括兩個部分，其中國際中心實驗室將投資約3000萬元、中國臨床研究中心計劃投4500萬元，二期準備將旗下"北歐生物科學公司"的新診斷技術引入中國。這家公司主要業務是為跨國制藥公司執行I-III期臨床藥物研究，覆蓋骨質疏松、心血管病等5個領域。
據悉，項目資金已經開始陸續投入，到2006年1月，"國際中心實驗室"和CCBR中國臨床研究中心兩個項目將正式運營，目前CCBR正與中國多家大醫院洽談合作，具體醫院名單尚不便透露。據介紹，這個項目初步選址中關村生命科學園的研發生產基地。
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總部位于丹麥的CCBR（臨床與基礎研究中心）在京宣布：截至2006年1月，該公司將投資8000萬元在北京建立"國際中心實驗室"、CCBR中國臨床研究中心及其他生物醫藥研發項目。
現任丹麥國會副主席、CCBR董事會主席Niels在近日召開的第八屆北京科博會上表示，CCBR對中國一期投資包括兩個部分，其中國際中心實驗室將投資約3000萬元、中國臨床研究中心計劃投4500萬元，二期準備將旗下"北歐生物科學公司"的新診斷技術引入中國。這家公司主要業務是為跨國制藥公司執行I-III期臨床藥物研究，覆蓋骨質疏松、心血管病等5個領域。
據悉，項目資金已經開始陸續投入，到2006年1月，"國際中心實驗室"和CCBR中國臨床研究中心兩個項目將正式運營，目前CCBR正與中國多家大醫院洽談合作，具體醫院名單尚不便透露。據介紹，這個項目初步選址中關村生命科學園的研發生產基地。
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Candela與美中互利共進醫療美容市場
Candela與美中互利共進醫療美容市場
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
近日。Candela和美中互利國際公司聯合宣布簽署一份為期數年的中國（包括香港）獨家分銷協議。
根據該協議的相關條款，美中互利將向中國健康相關產業的皮膚科醫生、從事整容手術的外科醫生、家庭醫生、OB／GYNs和普外及血管外科醫生銷售Candela公司的美容激光系統系列產品。Candela公司的產品可用于脫毛、除皺以及治療血管和色素機能障礙、紋身、粉刺和萎縮性粉刺疤痕。
美中互利國際公司總裁兼首席執行官李碧菁表示，中國美容激光治療市場的興起是非常明顯的。她說：“隨著中國城市經濟的迅速發展，美容保健技術業務也正在迅速增長。這種技術在中國將有著廣闊、不斷發展的市場前景。”
李碧菁說：“我們相信，Candela和美中互利將組成一個強大的團隊。去年，我們已在我們公司的北京和睦家醫院建立了Candela激光臨床治療和培訓中心。該中心不僅治療住院病人，而且還培訓Candela公司在中國的新客戶和潛在的客戶。病人和市場的反應非常好。這充分顯示了美中互利的產品銷售部與醫療服務部之間的協作質量和優勢，并奠定了我們對未來激光產品銷售的牢固基礎。”
Candela公司總裁兼首席執行官杰拉德.Ｅ.普奧羅說：“從戰略上看，美中互利公司是在合適的時機選中的合適的合作伙伴。他們在中國有著極好的營銷技巧，無論是在大型醫療設備還是在化妝品方面。通過雙方合作，我們期望擴展激光整容和美容產品的中國市場。”
/**/
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近日。Candela和美中互利國際公司聯合宣布簽署一份為期數年的中國（包括香港）獨家分銷協議。
根據該協議的相關條款，美中互利將向中國健康相關產業的皮膚科醫生、從事整容手術的外科醫生、家庭醫生、OB／GYNs和普外及血管外科醫生銷售Candela公司的美容激光系統系列產品。Candela公司的產品可用于脫毛、除皺以及治療血管和色素機能障礙、紋身、粉刺和萎縮性粉刺疤痕。
美中互利國際公司總裁兼首席執行官李碧菁表示，中國美容激光治療市場的興起是非常明顯的。她說：“隨著中國城市經濟的迅速發展，美容保健技術業務也正在迅速增長。這種技術在中國將有著廣闊、不斷發展的市場前景。”
李碧菁說：“我們相信，Candela和美中互利將組成一個強大的團隊。去年，我們已在我們公司的北京和睦家醫院建立了Candela激光臨床治療和培訓中心。該中心不僅治療住院病人，而且還培訓Candela公司在中國的新客戶和潛在的客戶。病人和市場的反應非常好。這充分顯示了美中互利的產品銷售部與醫療服務部之間的協作質量和優勢，并奠定了我們對未來激光產品銷售的牢固基礎。”
Candela公司總裁兼首席執行官杰拉德.Ｅ.普奧羅說：“從戰略上看，美中互利公司是在合適的時機選中的合適的合作伙伴。他們在中國有著極好的營銷技巧，無論是在大型醫療設備還是在化妝品方面。通過雙方合作，我們期望擴展激光整容和美容產品的中國市場。”
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BostonScience擁有Aspect公司20%股權
BostonScience擁有Aspect公司20%股權
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Aspect 醫學系統公司近日已同意Boston Scientific公司再購買本公司50萬股流通股票，目前，Aspect公司上市流通股本共1970萬股，當天Aspect公司的股價是15.94美元。
據透露，此前，Boston Scientific公司已經擁有Aspect公司近20%的股份。如果這次股票買賣獲得股東贊成，這一數字將達到22.1%。根據雙方在2002年8月達成的協議，Boston Scientific公司最多可以購買Aspect公司已經上市的股票的四分之一。
雙方希望這筆交易能夠在5月底完成，而5月25日是Aspect公司股東大會的日子。
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Aspect 醫學系統公司近日已同意Boston Scientific公司再購買本公司50萬股流通股票，目前，Aspect公司上市流通股本共1970萬股，當天Aspect公司的股價是15.94美元。
據透露，此前，Boston Scientific公司已經擁有Aspect公司近20%的股份。如果這次股票買賣獲得股東贊成，這一數字將達到22.1%。根據雙方在2002年8月達成的協議，Boston Scientific公司最多可以購買Aspect公司已經上市的股票的四分之一。
雙方希望這筆交易能夠在5月底完成，而5月25日是Aspect公司股東大會的日子。
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2010年10月29日星期五
學好拼布之碎布應用圖解
學好拼布之碎布應用圖解
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拼布的初衷是將一些碎布拼接成塊，所以想要學好拼布，除了知道怎樣將整塊的布料剪成布片之外，也應該學會怎樣將一些碎布拼接成塊。
看看圖上這兩條布。這兩條拼布被都是利用碎布條拼接成的，很美麗吧，接現在我們就來看看如何在一塊基布上將碎布條拼接成塊。
這種制作方法其實和紙樣拼布是一樣的，所不同的是用布來替代紙，這樣就省去了最后移除紙張的麻煩。
1. 首先剪一塊正方形的淺色基布，基布的布料大可用一些廉價的平紋布，它只是起到一個框架的作用，如果是棉布先要做縮水處理。另外再找出一些碎布條，寬度可以隨意，一頭大一頭小的也可以，但是長度要超過正方形的邊長哦。
2. 接著就可以開始拼接了，首先將第一塊布條正面朝上平鋪在基布的左邊，它的上、下、左邊至少要超出基布一個縫份寬度。
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
拼布的初衷是將一些碎布拼接成塊，所以想要學好拼布，除了知道怎樣將整塊的布料剪成布片之外，也應該學會怎樣將一些碎布拼接成塊。
看看圖上這兩條布。這兩條拼布被都是利用碎布條拼接成的，很美麗吧，接現在我們就來看看如何在一塊基布上將碎布條拼接成塊。
這種制作方法其實和紙樣拼布是一樣的，所不同的是用布來替代紙，這樣就省去了最后移除紙張的麻煩。
1. 首先剪一塊正方形的淺色基布，基布的布料大可用一些廉價的平紋布，它只是起到一個框架的作用，如果是棉布先要做縮水處理。另外再找出一些碎布條，寬度可以隨意，一頭大一頭小的也可以，但是長度要超過正方形的邊長哦。
2. 接著就可以開始拼接了，首先將第一塊布條正面朝上平鋪在基布的左邊，它的上、下、左邊至少要超出基布一個縫份寬度。
Tag:Job |
Jobs |
求職 |
be a tutor |
補習 |
補習介紹 |
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醫療用品 |
輪椅 |
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助聽器 |
修飾眼型：巧畫眼影塑造美眸(組圖)
修飾眼型：巧畫眼影塑造美眸(組圖)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
你需要的基本眼影顏色有三種
你需要的基本眼影顏色有三種
最深色眼影用于描眼線
最淺顏色的眼影可打底，而帶有珠光的淺色眼影還可用作輪廓色
中間色眼影可突出眼
深邃而神采飛揚的美麗眼眸總能發射出魅人的光環，可惜不是所有的人都擁有完美的雙眼。如果你想讓自己的眼睛更加迷人，請仔細閱讀Cosmo的建議，然后根據你雙眼的形狀和大小選擇適合的化妝術。
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你需要的基本眼影顏色有三種
你需要的基本眼影顏色有三種
最深色眼影用于描眼線
最淺顏色的眼影可打底，而帶有珠光的淺色眼影還可用作輪廓色
中間色眼影可突出眼
深邃而神采飛揚的美麗眼眸總能發射出魅人的光環，可惜不是所有的人都擁有完美的雙眼。如果你想讓自己的眼睛更加迷人，請仔細閱讀Cosmo的建議，然后根據你雙眼的形狀和大小選擇適合的化妝術。
Tag:Job |
Jobs |
求職 |
be a tutor |
補習 |
補習介紹 |
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型男達人美發打理6原則
型男達人美發打理6原則
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男人與女人對于時尚的追求態度是不大相同,特別是讓女性朋友經常煩惱的發型設計問題,對于絕大多數男人而言,通通不成問題,因為剪來剪去,多是一個樣,男性朋友很難想象不同的發型設計出現在自己頭上,會是什么樣?對于發型,他們又有著宿命般的堅持.也因為如此,一旦他們找到一位好的美發師,就很死忠,國內不少政商名流更是如此,就只愿意讓同一位發型設計師在他們頭上動刀.他們的發型幾乎就是他們個人形象注冊商標.
好的男士發型為你增添無限魅力,發型相對于男士而言,絕不亞于任何服飾或者佩飾.如果發型無法與身上的行頭一氣呵成,就算穿的再好,也同樣是前功盡棄.以下提供6條型男必知美發原則，您應該知道的！
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男人與女人對于時尚的追求態度是不大相同,特別是讓女性朋友經常煩惱的發型設計問題,對于絕大多數男人而言,通通不成問題,因為剪來剪去,多是一個樣,男性朋友很難想象不同的發型設計出現在自己頭上,會是什么樣?對于發型,他們又有著宿命般的堅持.也因為如此,一旦他們找到一位好的美發師,就很死忠,國內不少政商名流更是如此,就只愿意讓同一位發型設計師在他們頭上動刀.他們的發型幾乎就是他們個人形象注冊商標.
好的男士發型為你增添無限魅力,發型相對于男士而言,絕不亞于任何服飾或者佩飾.如果發型無法與身上的行頭一氣呵成,就算穿的再好,也同樣是前功盡棄.以下提供6條型男必知美發原則，您應該知道的！
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血壓計 |
助聽器 |
新年染發 護發補色最重要
新年染發 護發補色最重要
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臨近新年，無論是為了在各大年會中脫穎而出，還是為了讓自己從頭開始煥然一新，染發總是一種既直觀又安全的改變方式。于是乎，護發便成了需要加強的“頭”等大事。
不要在染發后的兩天內洗頭
護發計策
兩天不洗頭
威娜專業美發全球染發創意總監Josh Wood說：“不要在染發后的兩天內洗頭。因為藥水的作用，頭發的毛鱗片會在染后36小時中都處于張開狀態。如果這時候洗頭，顏色很容易流失。所以，如果你希望頭發可以乖乖地保持從發型屋出來的顏色，就稍微忍耐一下吧。當然，之后的洗護選擇固色的養護產品也是必要的。”
TIPS：其實目前歐美最流行的染發技術是：噴繪。這種方法既可以減輕對頭皮的傷害，又可以使發色仿佛沐浴陽光般自然。如果你想染發或補色，不妨先去美發沙龍咨詢一番。
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臨近新年，無論是為了在各大年會中脫穎而出，還是為了讓自己從頭開始煥然一新，染發總是一種既直觀又安全的改變方式。于是乎，護發便成了需要加強的“頭”等大事。
不要在染發后的兩天內洗頭
護發計策
兩天不洗頭
威娜專業美發全球染發創意總監Josh Wood說：“不要在染發后的兩天內洗頭。因為藥水的作用，頭發的毛鱗片會在染后36小時中都處于張開狀態。如果這時候洗頭，顏色很容易流失。所以，如果你希望頭發可以乖乖地保持從發型屋出來的顏色，就稍微忍耐一下吧。當然，之后的洗護選擇固色的養護產品也是必要的。”
TIPS：其實目前歐美最流行的染發技術是：噴繪。這種方法既可以減輕對頭皮的傷害，又可以使發色仿佛沐浴陽光般自然。如果你想染發或補色，不妨先去美發沙龍咨詢一番。
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小心不孕--素食主義者
小心不孕--素食主義者
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
近年來，吃素的飲食風尚漸為大眾接受。尤其是體形較為豐滿的女性，甚至把吃素當成了習慣，希望藉此達到減肥的目的。
經常食素影響內分泌
不可否認，多吃素食、蔬菜水果等富含纖維的食物，的確對減肥有幫助。不過，最近醫學界對素食的研究證實，女性經常食素，會對體內激素分泌造成破壞性影響，嚴重的甚至可能導致不育。
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
近年來，吃素的飲食風尚漸為大眾接受。尤其是體形較為豐滿的女性，甚至把吃素當成了習慣，希望藉此達到減肥的目的。
經常食素影響內分泌
不可否認，多吃素食、蔬菜水果等富含纖維的食物，的確對減肥有幫助。不過，最近醫學界對素食的研究證實，女性經常食素，會對體內激素分泌造成破壞性影響，嚴重的甚至可能導致不育。
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2010年10月28日星期四
有冇人聽說過雪纖瘦Thermo C雙極冷熱射頻纖體？？？
結合了射頻熱能、冷療、光能療法及負氣壓雕塑四種科技於同一治療儀器。
射頻刺激
射頻治療透過生物熱能，增加深層溫度，完全擊破體內深層脂肪，加強淋巴循環，促進脂肪代謝。射頻刺激只需2分鐘便能夠深入皮膚3-15mm的深度，造成血管放鬆，增加身體代謝率，提高身體積聚脂肪的自然燃燒能力，纖得健康。
真空按摩搣脂
配合射頻及冷熱光能治療，透過機械式滾輪按摩，能有效去除頑固脂肪，消除橙皮脂肪。
光學治療
透過光能治療，刺激細胞增生膠原及彈性，改善色斑、疤痕及敏感引起的泛紅。
冷凍治療
配合熱能治療，能刺激血管循環，溶解脂肪團，改善水腫，對消滅脂肪團極之有效。
補習-Love in a Paper Bag
補習-Love in a Paper Bag
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It was Mollys job to hand her father his brown paper lunch bag each morning before he headed off to work.
One morning, in addition to his usual lunch bag, Molly handed him a second paper bag.
This one was worn and held together with staples, and paper clips.
Why two bags? her father asked.
The other is something else, Molly answered.
Whats in it?
Just some stuff. Take it with you.
Not wanting to discuss the matter, he stuffed both sacks into his briefcase, kissed Molly and rushed off.
At midday he opened Mollys bag and took out the contents:
two hair ribbons, three small stones, a plastic dinosaur, a tiny sea shell, a small doll, and 13 pennies...
The busy father smiled, finished eating, and swept the desk clean into the wastebasket, Mollys stuff included.
That evening, Molly ran up behind him as he read the paper.
Wheres my bag?
What bag?
The one I gave you this morning.
I left it at the office. Why?
I forgot to put this note in it, she said.
And, besides, Daddy, the things in the sack are the things I really like I thought you might like to play with them.
You didnt lose the bag, did you, Daddy?
Oh, no, he said, lying. I just forgot to bring it home. Ill bring it tomorrow.
While Molly hugged her fathers neck, he unfolded the note that read: I love you, Daddy.
Molly had given him her treasures all that a 7-year-old held dear.
Love in a paper bag, and he missed it not only missed it, but had thrown it in the wastebasket.
So back he went to the office. Just ahead of the night janitor, he picked up the wastebasket.
He put the treasures inside and carried it home gingerly.
The bag didnt look so good, but the stuff was all there and thats what counted.
After dinner, he asked Molly to tell him about the stuff in the sack.
It took a long time to tell. Everything had a story or a memory.
Sometimes I think of all the marvelous times in this sweet life, he mused.
We should all remember that its not the destination that counts in life, but the JOURNEY.
That journey with the people we love is all that really matters.
It is such a simple truth but it is so easily forgotten.
Tag: gift |
gifts |
Souvenirs |
corporate gift |
禮品 |
禮物 |
精品 |
廣告宣傳 |
email marketing |
emarketing |
e marketing |
marketing |
internet marketing |
online marketing |
禮品|
gift|
環保袋|
recycle bag|
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
It was Mollys job to hand her father his brown paper lunch bag each morning before he headed off to work.
One morning, in addition to his usual lunch bag, Molly handed him a second paper bag.
This one was worn and held together with staples, and paper clips.
Why two bags? her father asked.
The other is something else, Molly answered.
Whats in it?
Just some stuff. Take it with you.
Not wanting to discuss the matter, he stuffed both sacks into his briefcase, kissed Molly and rushed off.
At midday he opened Mollys bag and took out the contents:
two hair ribbons, three small stones, a plastic dinosaur, a tiny sea shell, a small doll, and 13 pennies...
The busy father smiled, finished eating, and swept the desk clean into the wastebasket, Mollys stuff included.
That evening, Molly ran up behind him as he read the paper.
Wheres my bag?
What bag?
The one I gave you this morning.
I left it at the office. Why?
I forgot to put this note in it, she said.
And, besides, Daddy, the things in the sack are the things I really like I thought you might like to play with them.
You didnt lose the bag, did you, Daddy?
Oh, no, he said, lying. I just forgot to bring it home. Ill bring it tomorrow.
While Molly hugged her fathers neck, he unfolded the note that read: I love you, Daddy.
Molly had given him her treasures all that a 7-year-old held dear.
Love in a paper bag, and he missed it not only missed it, but had thrown it in the wastebasket.
So back he went to the office. Just ahead of the night janitor, he picked up the wastebasket.
He put the treasures inside and carried it home gingerly.
The bag didnt look so good, but the stuff was all there and thats what counted.
After dinner, he asked Molly to tell him about the stuff in the sack.
It took a long time to tell. Everything had a story or a memory.
Sometimes I think of all the marvelous times in this sweet life, he mused.
We should all remember that its not the destination that counts in life, but the JOURNEY.
That journey with the people we love is all that really matters.
It is such a simple truth but it is so easily forgotten.
Tag: gift |
gifts |
Souvenirs |
corporate gift |
禮品 |
禮物 |
精品 |
廣告宣傳 |
email marketing |
emarketing |
e marketing |
marketing |
internet marketing |
online marketing |
禮品|
gift|
環保袋|
recycle bag|
補習-Life is all about choices 生活充滿選擇
補習-Life is all about choices 生活充滿選擇
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邁克爾總是樂呵呵的，你總能聽到他說些積極上進的話。他似乎生來就積極進取。他這樣告訴他的員工：每天早晨醒來，我對自己說，邁克爾，今天你有兩種選擇，選擇心情愉快，選擇心情惡劣，我選擇心情愉快；有不愉快的事情發生，選擇成為一個犧牲品，或是選擇從中吸取教訓，我選擇吸取教訓。
邁克爾從60英尺的大樓上摔下，卻活了下來，當有人問及他當時的想法，他是這樣回答的：我告訴我的手術醫生，我選擇活著，我愿意做任何手術。
選擇接受生活的積極面也許是人生中最為明智的選擇，其實，每個人都有機會充實、健康的活著，關鍵取決于你的人生態度。
Michael is the kind of guy you love to hate. He is always in a good mood and always has something positive to say. When someone would ask him how he was doing, he would reply, If I were any better, Id be twins! He was a natural motivator.
邁克爾是那種你真想恨一恨的家伙，他總是樂呵呵的，總是說些積極上進的話。如果有人問他近況如何，他會這樣回答：如果我還能再好，我就成雙胞胎了！他生來就會讓人積極進取。
If an employee was having a bad day, Michael was there telling the employee how to look on the positive side of the situation. Seeing this style really made me curious, so one day I went up to Michael and asked him, I don' t get it. You can' t be positive all the time. How do you do it?
如果哪位雇員有天過得很糟糕，邁克爾會告訴他如何看待問題的積極一面。他的這種方式著實讓我好奇，所以有一天我找到邁克爾問：我真弄不明白。你怎么能總是那樣積極樂觀？你是如何做到這一點的？
Michael replied, each morning I wake up and say to myself 'Mike, you have two choices today. You can choose to be in a good mood or you can choose to be in a bad mood.' I choose to be in a good mood. Each time something bad happens, I can choose to be a victim or choose to learn from it. I choose to learn from it. Every time someone comes to me complaining I can choose to accept their complaining or I can point out the positive side of life. I choose the positive side of life.
邁克爾回答說，每天早晨醒來時我對自己說，邁克，今天你有兩種選擇。你可以選擇心情愉快，你也可以選擇心情惡劣。我選擇心情愉快。每次什么不愉快的事情發生時，我可以選擇成為一個犧牲品，也可以選擇從中吸取教訓。我選擇從中吸取教訓。每次有什么人找我來抱怨，我可以選擇接受他們的抱怨，也可以選擇向他指出生活的積極面。我選擇指出生活的積極面。
Yeah, right. It isn't that easy. I protested.
是的，不錯。可并不那么容易呀。我表示異議。
Yes it is, Michael said. Life is all about choices. When you cut away all the junk, every situation is a choice. You choose how you react to situations. You choose how people will affect your mood. You choose to be in a good mood or bad mood. The bottom line is: It's your choice how you live life. I reflected on what Michael said.
其實很容易，邁克爾說。生活就是選擇。從每一事物剔除一切枝節后剩下的都是一種選擇。你選擇如何應付生活中的種種情形。你選擇他人會怎樣影響你的情緒。你選擇是心情愉快還是心情惡劣。說到底：如何生活是你自己的選擇。我琢磨著邁克爾的這席話。
Soon thereafter, I left the big enterprise that I had worked in for years to start my own business. We lost touch, but I often though about him when I made a choice about life instead of reacting to it. Several years later, I heard Michael was involved in a serious accident, falling off 60 feet from a communications tower.
那以后不久，我離開了工作數年的大企業去創建自己的公司。我們失去了聯系，但當我對生活做出一種選擇而非對它做出反應時，我時常想起邁克爾。幾年之后，我聽說邁克爾遭遇一場惡性事故，從一座通訊大樓的60英尺高處掉了下來。
After l8 hours of surgery, and weeks of intensive care, Michael was released from the hospital with rods placed in his back. I saw Michael about six months after the accident. When I asked him how he was, he replied, If I were any better, Id be twins. Wanna see my scars? I declined to see his wounds, but did ask him what had gone through his mind as the accident took place.
在經歷了18個小時的手術和數周的精心護理之后，邁克爾出院了，背部裝有金屬桿。大約事故半年之后，我見到了邁克爾。當我問他怎么樣時，他回答，如果我還能再好，我就成雙胞胎了。想看看我的傷疤嗎？我拒絕看他的傷痕，但的確問了他事故發生時他是怎么想的。
The first thing that went through my mind was the well being of my soon-to-born daughter, Michael replied. Then, as I lay on the ground, remembered I had two choices: I could choose to live or I could choose to die. I chose to live. Werent you scared? Did you lose consciousness? I asked. Michael continued, ... the paramedics were great. They kept telling me I was going to be fine. But when they wheeled me into the operation room and I saw the expressions on the faces of the doctors and nurses, I got really scared. In their eyes, l read 'He's a dead man.' I knew I needed to take action. What did you do? I asked. Well, there was a big burly nurse shouting questions at me said Michael. She asked me if I was allergic to anything. Yes, I said. The doctors and nurses stopped working as they waited for my reply. I took a deep breath and yelled, Gravity Over their laughter, I told them, 'I'm choosing to live. Operate on me as if I am alive, not dead'.
我首先想到的是我那即將出世的女兒的幸福生活，邁克爾答道。當時我躺在地上，我記起我有兩種選擇：我可以選擇活著，也可以選擇死。我選擇了活。你難道不害怕嗎？你失去知覺了嗎？我問。邁克爾接著說，那些護理人員棒極了。他們不停地告訴我我會好的。但當他們把我推進手術室，我看到醫生和護士臉上的表情時，我真是嚇壞了。在他們的眼里，我讀出了他是個死人。我知道我應該采取行動。你采取了什么行動？我問道。有一位人高馬大的護士大聲沖我問問題，邁克爾說。她問我是否對什么過敏。是的，我說。醫生和護士都停下手中的活兒等我回答。我深吸一口氣大聲說出，萬有引力。他們的笑聲未了，我告訴他們，我選擇活著。把我當活人而不是死人來做手術。
Michael lived, thanks to the skill of his doctors, but also because of his amazing attitude. I Learned from him that every day we have a choice to live fully. Attitude is everything.
邁克爾活了下來，這要感謝他那些醫生的高明醫術，但也要歸功于他那令人贊嘆的態度。我從他那里學到了我們每天都有機會充實地活著，關鍵是態度。
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邁克爾總是樂呵呵的，你總能聽到他說些積極上進的話。他似乎生來就積極進取。他這樣告訴他的員工：每天早晨醒來，我對自己說，邁克爾，今天你有兩種選擇，選擇心情愉快，選擇心情惡劣，我選擇心情愉快；有不愉快的事情發生，選擇成為一個犧牲品，或是選擇從中吸取教訓，我選擇吸取教訓。
邁克爾從60英尺的大樓上摔下，卻活了下來，當有人問及他當時的想法，他是這樣回答的：我告訴我的手術醫生，我選擇活著，我愿意做任何手術。
選擇接受生活的積極面也許是人生中最為明智的選擇，其實，每個人都有機會充實、健康的活著，關鍵取決于你的人生態度。
Michael is the kind of guy you love to hate. He is always in a good mood and always has something positive to say. When someone would ask him how he was doing, he would reply, If I were any better, Id be twins! He was a natural motivator.
邁克爾是那種你真想恨一恨的家伙，他總是樂呵呵的，總是說些積極上進的話。如果有人問他近況如何，他會這樣回答：如果我還能再好，我就成雙胞胎了！他生來就會讓人積極進取。
If an employee was having a bad day, Michael was there telling the employee how to look on the positive side of the situation. Seeing this style really made me curious, so one day I went up to Michael and asked him, I don' t get it. You can' t be positive all the time. How do you do it?
如果哪位雇員有天過得很糟糕，邁克爾會告訴他如何看待問題的積極一面。他的這種方式著實讓我好奇，所以有一天我找到邁克爾問：我真弄不明白。你怎么能總是那樣積極樂觀？你是如何做到這一點的？
Michael replied, each morning I wake up and say to myself 'Mike, you have two choices today. You can choose to be in a good mood or you can choose to be in a bad mood.' I choose to be in a good mood. Each time something bad happens, I can choose to be a victim or choose to learn from it. I choose to learn from it. Every time someone comes to me complaining I can choose to accept their complaining or I can point out the positive side of life. I choose the positive side of life.
邁克爾回答說，每天早晨醒來時我對自己說，邁克，今天你有兩種選擇。你可以選擇心情愉快，你也可以選擇心情惡劣。我選擇心情愉快。每次什么不愉快的事情發生時，我可以選擇成為一個犧牲品，也可以選擇從中吸取教訓。我選擇從中吸取教訓。每次有什么人找我來抱怨，我可以選擇接受他們的抱怨，也可以選擇向他指出生活的積極面。我選擇指出生活的積極面。
Yeah, right. It isn't that easy. I protested.
是的，不錯。可并不那么容易呀。我表示異議。
Yes it is, Michael said. Life is all about choices. When you cut away all the junk, every situation is a choice. You choose how you react to situations. You choose how people will affect your mood. You choose to be in a good mood or bad mood. The bottom line is: It's your choice how you live life. I reflected on what Michael said.
其實很容易，邁克爾說。生活就是選擇。從每一事物剔除一切枝節后剩下的都是一種選擇。你選擇如何應付生活中的種種情形。你選擇他人會怎樣影響你的情緒。你選擇是心情愉快還是心情惡劣。說到底：如何生活是你自己的選擇。我琢磨著邁克爾的這席話。
Soon thereafter, I left the big enterprise that I had worked in for years to start my own business. We lost touch, but I often though about him when I made a choice about life instead of reacting to it. Several years later, I heard Michael was involved in a serious accident, falling off 60 feet from a communications tower.
那以后不久，我離開了工作數年的大企業去創建自己的公司。我們失去了聯系，但當我對生活做出一種選擇而非對它做出反應時，我時常想起邁克爾。幾年之后，我聽說邁克爾遭遇一場惡性事故，從一座通訊大樓的60英尺高處掉了下來。
After l8 hours of surgery, and weeks of intensive care, Michael was released from the hospital with rods placed in his back. I saw Michael about six months after the accident. When I asked him how he was, he replied, If I were any better, Id be twins. Wanna see my scars? I declined to see his wounds, but did ask him what had gone through his mind as the accident took place.
在經歷了18個小時的手術和數周的精心護理之后，邁克爾出院了，背部裝有金屬桿。大約事故半年之后，我見到了邁克爾。當我問他怎么樣時，他回答，如果我還能再好，我就成雙胞胎了。想看看我的傷疤嗎？我拒絕看他的傷痕，但的確問了他事故發生時他是怎么想的。
The first thing that went through my mind was the well being of my soon-to-born daughter, Michael replied. Then, as I lay on the ground, remembered I had two choices: I could choose to live or I could choose to die. I chose to live. Werent you scared? Did you lose consciousness? I asked. Michael continued, ... the paramedics were great. They kept telling me I was going to be fine. But when they wheeled me into the operation room and I saw the expressions on the faces of the doctors and nurses, I got really scared. In their eyes, l read 'He's a dead man.' I knew I needed to take action. What did you do? I asked. Well, there was a big burly nurse shouting questions at me said Michael. She asked me if I was allergic to anything. Yes, I said. The doctors and nurses stopped working as they waited for my reply. I took a deep breath and yelled, Gravity Over their laughter, I told them, 'I'm choosing to live. Operate on me as if I am alive, not dead'.
我首先想到的是我那即將出世的女兒的幸福生活，邁克爾答道。當時我躺在地上，我記起我有兩種選擇：我可以選擇活著，也可以選擇死。我選擇了活。你難道不害怕嗎？你失去知覺了嗎？我問。邁克爾接著說，那些護理人員棒極了。他們不停地告訴我我會好的。但當他們把我推進手術室，我看到醫生和護士臉上的表情時，我真是嚇壞了。在他們的眼里，我讀出了他是個死人。我知道我應該采取行動。你采取了什么行動？我問道。有一位人高馬大的護士大聲沖我問問題，邁克爾說。她問我是否對什么過敏。是的，我說。醫生和護士都停下手中的活兒等我回答。我深吸一口氣大聲說出，萬有引力。他們的笑聲未了，我告訴他們，我選擇活著。把我當活人而不是死人來做手術。
Michael lived, thanks to the skill of his doctors, but also because of his amazing attitude. I Learned from him that every day we have a choice to live fully. Attitude is everything.
邁克爾活了下來，這要感謝他那些醫生的高明醫術，但也要歸功于他那令人贊嘆的態度。我從他那里學到了我們每天都有機會充實地活著，關鍵是態度。
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補習-Keep Your Direction 堅持你的方向
補習-Keep Your Direction 堅持你的方向
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What would you do if you failed? Many people may choose to give up. However, the surest way to success is to keep your direction and stick to your goal.
On your way to success, you must keep your direction. It is just like a lamp, guiding you in darkness and helping you overcome obstacles on your way. Otherwise, you will easily get lost or hesitate to go ahead.
Direction means objectives. You can get nowhere without an objective in life.
You can try to write your objective on paper and make some plans to achieve it. In this way, you will know how to arrange your time and to spend your time properly. And you should also have a belief that you are sure to succeed as long as you keep your direction all the time.
如果失敗了你會怎么做？很多人可能會選擇放棄。然而，要想成功，最可靠的方法就是堅持你的方向和目標。
在通往成功的路上，你必須堅持你的方向。它就像一盞燈，在黑暗中為你指路，幫助你度過難關。否則，你很容易就會迷失方向或猶豫不前。
方向意味著目標。人生如果沒有目標，將一事無成。
你可以試著把你的目標寫在紙上，并制定實現目標的計劃。這樣，你就會懂得如何合理安排時間，如何正確地支配時間。而且你還要有這樣的信念：只要你一直堅持自己的方向，你就一定可以成功。
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What would you do if you failed? Many people may choose to give up. However, the surest way to success is to keep your direction and stick to your goal.
On your way to success, you must keep your direction. It is just like a lamp, guiding you in darkness and helping you overcome obstacles on your way. Otherwise, you will easily get lost or hesitate to go ahead.
Direction means objectives. You can get nowhere without an objective in life.
You can try to write your objective on paper and make some plans to achieve it. In this way, you will know how to arrange your time and to spend your time properly. And you should also have a belief that you are sure to succeed as long as you keep your direction all the time.
如果失敗了你會怎么做？很多人可能會選擇放棄。然而，要想成功，最可靠的方法就是堅持你的方向和目標。
在通往成功的路上，你必須堅持你的方向。它就像一盞燈，在黑暗中為你指路，幫助你度過難關。否則，你很容易就會迷失方向或猶豫不前。
方向意味著目標。人生如果沒有目標，將一事無成。
你可以試著把你的目標寫在紙上，并制定實現目標的計劃。這樣，你就會懂得如何合理安排時間，如何正確地支配時間。而且你還要有這樣的信念：只要你一直堅持自己的方向，你就一定可以成功。
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補習-John F. Kennedy
補習-John F. Kennedy
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In June of 1963, President John F. Kennedy embarked on a visit to five Western European nations for the purpose of spreading good will and building unity among America's allies.
His first stop was Germany, a nation that less than 20 years before had been engaged in a quest for world conquest under the dictatorship of Hitler. Following Germany's defeat in the Second World War, the country had been divided in half, with East Germany under Soviet control and West Germany becoming a democratic nation.
East-West Germany soon became the focus of growing political tensions between the two new superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Berlin, former capital of Hitler's Reich, became the political hot spot in this new 'cold' war. Although the city was located in East Germany, Berlin itself was divided, with East Berlin under Soviet control and West Berlin under American, English and French jurisdiction.
In 1948, the Soviets conducted a temporary blockade of West Berlin's railroads, highways and waterways. For the next eleven months, the U.S. and Britain conducted a massive airlift, supplying nearly two million tons of food, coal and industrial supplies to the besieged people.
In 1961, East German authorities began construction of a 12 foot high wall which would eventually stretch for 100 miles around the perimeter of West Berlin, preventing anyone from crossing to the West and to freedom. (Nearly 200 persons would be killed trying to pass over or dig under the wall.)
President Kennedy arrived in Berlin on June 26, 1963, following appearances in Bonn, Cologne and Frankfurt, where he had given speeches to huge, wildly cheering crowds. In Berlin, an immense crowd gathered in the Rudolph Wilde Platz near the Berlin Wall to listen to the President who delivered this memorable speech above all the noise, concluding with the now famous ending.
Photos: Left - At the Berlin Wall, President Kennedy looks across at a guard from East Germany. Right - In Berlin, the President speaks to the enormous crowd of Germans.
I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin. And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.
Two thousand years ago the proudest boast was civis Romanus sum. Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is Ich bin ein Berliner.
I appreciate my interpreter translating my German!
There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin. And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress. Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen. Let them come to Berlin.
Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in, to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of my countrymen, who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope and the determination of the city of West Berlin. While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system, for all the world to see, we take no satisfaction in it, for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.
What is true of this city is true of Germany--real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people. You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main. So let me ask you as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.
Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe. When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.
All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words Ich bin ein Berliner.
President John F. Kennedy - June 26, 1963
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In June of 1963, President John F. Kennedy embarked on a visit to five Western European nations for the purpose of spreading good will and building unity among America's allies.
His first stop was Germany, a nation that less than 20 years before had been engaged in a quest for world conquest under the dictatorship of Hitler. Following Germany's defeat in the Second World War, the country had been divided in half, with East Germany under Soviet control and West Germany becoming a democratic nation.
East-West Germany soon became the focus of growing political tensions between the two new superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Berlin, former capital of Hitler's Reich, became the political hot spot in this new 'cold' war. Although the city was located in East Germany, Berlin itself was divided, with East Berlin under Soviet control and West Berlin under American, English and French jurisdiction.
In 1948, the Soviets conducted a temporary blockade of West Berlin's railroads, highways and waterways. For the next eleven months, the U.S. and Britain conducted a massive airlift, supplying nearly two million tons of food, coal and industrial supplies to the besieged people.
In 1961, East German authorities began construction of a 12 foot high wall which would eventually stretch for 100 miles around the perimeter of West Berlin, preventing anyone from crossing to the West and to freedom. (Nearly 200 persons would be killed trying to pass over or dig under the wall.)
President Kennedy arrived in Berlin on June 26, 1963, following appearances in Bonn, Cologne and Frankfurt, where he had given speeches to huge, wildly cheering crowds. In Berlin, an immense crowd gathered in the Rudolph Wilde Platz near the Berlin Wall to listen to the President who delivered this memorable speech above all the noise, concluding with the now famous ending.
Photos: Left - At the Berlin Wall, President Kennedy looks across at a guard from East Germany. Right - In Berlin, the President speaks to the enormous crowd of Germans.
I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin. And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.
Two thousand years ago the proudest boast was civis Romanus sum. Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is Ich bin ein Berliner.
I appreciate my interpreter translating my German!
There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin. And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress. Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen. Let them come to Berlin.
Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in, to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of my countrymen, who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope and the determination of the city of West Berlin. While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system, for all the world to see, we take no satisfaction in it, for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.
What is true of this city is true of Germany--real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people. You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main. So let me ask you as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.
Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe. When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.
All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words Ich bin ein Berliner.
President John F. Kennedy - June 26, 1963
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補習-Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln
補習-Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln
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In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause - as cheerfully to one section as to another.
There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:
No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution - to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause shall be delivered up their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.
Top
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it - break it, so to speak - but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect Union.
But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.
Top
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?
Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.
I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.
One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.
This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favour rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution - which amendment, however, I have not seen - has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.
By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favoured land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect, and defend it.
I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause - as cheerfully to one section as to another.
There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:
No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution - to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause shall be delivered up their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.
Top
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it - break it, so to speak - but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect Union.
But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.
Top
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?
Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.
I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.
One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.
This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favour rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution - which amendment, however, I have not seen - has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.
By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favoured land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect, and defend it.
I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
Tag: gift |
gifts |
Souvenirs |
corporate gift |
禮品 |
禮物 |
精品 |
廣告宣傳 |
email marketing |
emarketing |
e marketing |
marketing |
internet marketing |
online marketing |
禮品|
gift|
環保袋|
recycle bag|
2010年10月27日星期三
華爾街英語培訓世博志愿者
華爾街英語培訓世博志愿者
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本報訊（記者李潔言）近日，上海世博會事務協調局與華爾街英語（中國）在滬共同舉辦了華爾街英語——2010年上海世博會志愿者英語培訓專項贊助機構簽約及授牌儀式。
作為本次上海世博會的語言培訓贊助機構，華爾街英語（中國）還承擔了世博會志愿者英語水平測試的任務。據悉，對最終甄選出的7400名優秀志愿者，華爾街英語將提供以2010年上海世博會為核心內容的為期4個月、分期分批的英語測試培訓。為保證有效檢測志愿者的英語水平和語言應變能力，整個測試將采用華爾街英語的專門測試系統，并由一支專門的外教隊伍具體實施。
上海世博局黨委副書記許偉國表示：世博會是各個國家展示文化的大舞臺。2010年的上海世博會更是中國向全世界展示自我的舞臺。而世博會服務志愿者的素質、水平，將成為中國印象中的重要一環。他相信華爾街英語（中國）能夠通過這一平臺，構架起溝通的橋梁，扮演好“文化使者”這一重要角色。
華爾街英語（中國）首席執行官柯大衛也表示，華爾街英語相信“掌握英語擁抱世界”，全球普及的英語不僅能夠讓更多中國人認識世界；同時，也會讓來自其他國家的朋友們了解中國，了解上海。
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本報訊（記者李潔言）近日，上海世博會事務協調局與華爾街英語（中國）在滬共同舉辦了華爾街英語——2010年上海世博會志愿者英語培訓專項贊助機構簽約及授牌儀式。
作為本次上海世博會的語言培訓贊助機構，華爾街英語（中國）還承擔了世博會志愿者英語水平測試的任務。據悉，對最終甄選出的7400名優秀志愿者，華爾街英語將提供以2010年上海世博會為核心內容的為期4個月、分期分批的英語測試培訓。為保證有效檢測志愿者的英語水平和語言應變能力，整個測試將采用華爾街英語的專門測試系統，并由一支專門的外教隊伍具體實施。
上海世博局黨委副書記許偉國表示：世博會是各個國家展示文化的大舞臺。2010年的上海世博會更是中國向全世界展示自我的舞臺。而世博會服務志愿者的素質、水平，將成為中國印象中的重要一環。他相信華爾街英語（中國）能夠通過這一平臺，構架起溝通的橋梁，扮演好“文化使者”這一重要角色。
華爾街英語（中國）首席執行官柯大衛也表示，華爾街英語相信“掌握英語擁抱世界”，全球普及的英語不僅能夠讓更多中國人認識世界；同時，也會讓來自其他國家的朋友們了解中國，了解上海。
Tag: 醫療 |
醫療用品 |
輪椅 |
血壓計 |
助聽器 |
Gift |
Gifts |
Presents |
be a tutor |
補習 |
補習介紹 |
上門補習 |
湖南出新招杜絕"被就業" 造假高校將被一票否決
湖南出新招杜絕"被就業" 造假高校將被一票否決
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“我們要加強對就業率統計的核查。虛假就業、‘被就業’，最后受害的是學生。我省要在這個方面多做些扎實的工作。”近日召開的湖南省大學生就業工作座談會上，相關部門表示，對就業率造假的高校，將實行一票否決。
據記者了解，2009年，湖南省應屆大學生有28.5萬人，離校前就業率為74.9%，與上一年持平。湖南省教育廳認為，當前經濟形勢有所好轉，但是從整體來看，就業形勢仍不容樂觀，甚至還非常嚴峻。2010年，全國大學畢業生需要就業的有611萬人，加上之前沒有就業的畢業生，2010年需要就業的畢業生總數可能達800萬人。湖南省2010年大學應屆畢業生為29萬人，加上之前沒有就業的畢業生，2010年總的基數可能不會比2009年的36萬人低。
大學畢業生就業形勢嚴峻，但是，部分高校公布的就業率數據卻非常喜人，不少大學畢業生“被就業”了。“被就業”現象的存在，導致高校畢業生就業率數據不準確，可能讓政府部門誤判形勢，從而影響教育的正常發展。而畢業生“被就業”后，合法權益得不到保障，優惠政策無法享受，有時還要繳納一些莫名其妙的人事代理費用。
湖南省教育廳表示，該省將進一步改進和完善就業率統計方法。有專家認為，畢業生就業率不能由高校自行統計、上報教育部門發布，而應該委托有公信力的社會中介機構進行調查。(記者趙文明 通訊員早爾)
Tag:醫療 |
醫療用品 |
輪椅 |
血壓計 |
助聽器 |
Gift |
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Presents |
be a tutor |
補習 |
補習介紹 |
上門補習 |
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“我們要加強對就業率統計的核查。虛假就業、‘被就業’，最后受害的是學生。我省要在這個方面多做些扎實的工作。”近日召開的湖南省大學生就業工作座談會上，相關部門表示，對就業率造假的高校，將實行一票否決。
據記者了解，2009年，湖南省應屆大學生有28.5萬人，離校前就業率為74.9%，與上一年持平。湖南省教育廳認為，當前經濟形勢有所好轉，但是從整體來看，就業形勢仍不容樂觀，甚至還非常嚴峻。2010年，全國大學畢業生需要就業的有611萬人，加上之前沒有就業的畢業生，2010年需要就業的畢業生總數可能達800萬人。湖南省2010年大學應屆畢業生為29萬人，加上之前沒有就業的畢業生，2010年總的基數可能不會比2009年的36萬人低。
大學畢業生就業形勢嚴峻，但是，部分高校公布的就業率數據卻非常喜人，不少大學畢業生“被就業”了。“被就業”現象的存在，導致高校畢業生就業率數據不準確，可能讓政府部門誤判形勢，從而影響教育的正常發展。而畢業生“被就業”后，合法權益得不到保障，優惠政策無法享受，有時還要繳納一些莫名其妙的人事代理費用。
湖南省教育廳表示，該省將進一步改進和完善就業率統計方法。有專家認為，畢業生就業率不能由高校自行統計、上報教育部門發布，而應該委托有公信力的社會中介機構進行調查。(記者趙文明 通訊員早爾)
Tag:醫療 |
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輪椅 |
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助聽器 |
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河南：未來10年努力實現80%的殘疾人就業
河南：未來10年努力實現80%的殘疾人就業
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河南省政府新聞辦公室2日召開新聞發布會，宣布從明年1月1日起，將全省行政區域內的機關、社會團體、企業、事業單位和民辦非企業單位安排殘疾人就業的比例由原來的不低于在職職工總數的1．5％提高到不低于1．6％。未來10年，努力使殘疾人就業率達到80％，接近社會平均水平。
河南省政府法制辦副主任司九龍介紹說，由于所依據的上位法發生了新變化，黨中央、國務院和河南省委省政府對殘疾人事業和殘疾人就業工作提出了新要求。同時，河南省的殘疾人數量也發生了很大變化。據統計，1987年，河南省殘疾人比例5．77％，而2006年上升到了7．2％，達到了707萬人。
為推動全省殘疾人事業與經濟社會協調發展，促進和保護殘疾人就業，今年9月11日，河南省政府第51次常務會議審議通過了重新修訂的《河南省按比例安排殘疾人就業辦法》，自2010年1月1日起施行。根據修訂后的《辦法》，將全省行政區域內的機關、社會團體、企業、事業單位和民辦非企業單位安排殘疾人就業的比例由原來的不低于在職職工總數的1．5％提高到不低于1．6％。
河南省殘疾人就業服務中心副主任嚴紹鈞告訴記者，別小看這0．1％的調整，它將使河南省的殘疾人就業率由2006年第二次全國殘疾人抽樣調查的54．5％，上升到2020年前后的80％，接近社會平均水平。
Tag: 醫療 |
醫療用品 |
輪椅 |
血壓計 |
助聽器 |
Gift |
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Presents |
be a tutor |
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河南省政府新聞辦公室2日召開新聞發布會，宣布從明年1月1日起，將全省行政區域內的機關、社會團體、企業、事業單位和民辦非企業單位安排殘疾人就業的比例由原來的不低于在職職工總數的1．5％提高到不低于1．6％。未來10年，努力使殘疾人就業率達到80％，接近社會平均水平。
河南省政府法制辦副主任司九龍介紹說，由于所依據的上位法發生了新變化，黨中央、國務院和河南省委省政府對殘疾人事業和殘疾人就業工作提出了新要求。同時，河南省的殘疾人數量也發生了很大變化。據統計，1987年，河南省殘疾人比例5．77％，而2006年上升到了7．2％，達到了707萬人。
為推動全省殘疾人事業與經濟社會協調發展，促進和保護殘疾人就業，今年9月11日，河南省政府第51次常務會議審議通過了重新修訂的《河南省按比例安排殘疾人就業辦法》，自2010年1月1日起施行。根據修訂后的《辦法》，將全省行政區域內的機關、社會團體、企業、事業單位和民辦非企業單位安排殘疾人就業的比例由原來的不低于在職職工總數的1．5％提高到不低于1．6％。
河南省殘疾人就業服務中心副主任嚴紹鈞告訴記者，別小看這0．1％的調整，它將使河南省的殘疾人就業率由2006年第二次全國殘疾人抽樣調查的54．5％，上升到2020年前后的80％，接近社會平均水平。
Tag: 醫療 |
醫療用品 |
輪椅 |
血壓計 |
助聽器 |
Gift |
Gifts |
Presents |
be a tutor |
補習 |
補習介紹 |
上門補習 |
杭州城管公務員招考要求2年以上捕犬經驗(圖)
杭州城管公務員招考要求2年以上捕犬經驗(圖)
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杭州江干區城市管理行政執法大隊公務員招考，要求具有捕犬經驗。 沈一帆 繪
公務員招考一年熱過一年，對應試者的條件要求比較嚴格也不足為怪，但看到下面這個職位的要求，相信還是會讓人一頭霧水：應試者要有2年的“捕犬”經歷才可以報考。
這是什么職位?為何要求如此奇怪?記者隨后展開了采訪調查。
想考城管執法崗位
需有兩年“捕犬”工作經歷
給本報打來電話的是杭州市民朱小姐。她說自己的弟弟今年準備報考公務員，各方面都符合要求，但卻卡在了經歷要求上，“我真想不通，考公務員要捕狗經歷有什么用?”
朱小姐的弟弟小朱是大專畢業。11月28日本年度公務員招考報名開始后，小朱翻遍了招錄崗位，最后選定了杭州江干區城市管理行政執法大隊。但他點擊報考選項、查看詳細信息、準備申請的時候，備注條件讓他傻了眼：要具有兩年以上基層工作經歷，要從事捕犬、拆違工作……
作為行政執法隊員，為什么一定要捕狗經驗呢?小朱覺得哭笑不得：“我去哪里找兩年的‘捕狗’工作經歷呢?再說，就算我有‘捕犬’經歷，我又該找什么單位來開具這樣的工作經歷證明呢?”
記者調查
都是“捕犬”也有不同要求
城管執法與捕犬有什么必然聯系呢?昨天下午，記者登錄了2010年浙江省各級機關考試錄用報名系統，在杭州崗位目錄第6頁找到了小朱準備報名的崗位：江干區城市管理行政執法大隊“執法隊員6”，對招考對象的要求是“具有兩年以上基層工作經歷”，同時備注為“從事捕犬、拆違工作”。
與此同時，記者還發現：同一個城管單位，同樣的捕犬崗位，卻有不同的經歷要求。小朱要報考的“執法隊員6”招考對象要有工作經歷，學歷要求大學專科及其以上;而同屬于江干城管崗位的“執法隊員5”，同樣是從事捕犬、拆違工作，招考對象卻沒有工作經歷要求，學歷要求為大學本科及其以上。對此，小朱頗感無奈：“學歷是本科，就不要求有‘捕犬’工作經歷;學歷是專科就有了這個要求。看來，我們這樣學歷低的人就必須得有點(捕狗的)體力，實在不公平啊。”
用人單位
只是為說明工作性質
用人單位設置這樣的奇怪“要求”又是出于什么樣的考慮呢?昨天下午，記者首先聯系上江干區城管行政執法局團工委副書記周邱憶女士，她在電話里告訴記者，城管工作分類有犬類執法，之所以提出相關要求，也是想招一些專業人員，但詳細情況還是建議直接咨詢局辦公室。
隨后，記者又聯系上江干區城管行政執法局辦公室，工作人員楊小姐強調，這只是為了說明工作性質。“在以往的招聘中，有人沖著公務員的名頭來報考，千人過獨木橋，好不容易考進來才發現工作很苦很累，和想象的有差距，有的甚至受不了就辭職了，這給考生本人和用人單位都帶來了不小的麻煩。為了讓彼此互相了解，并有一個雙向選擇的機會，我們才把崗位的工作性質也都標注出來。”
同時，楊小姐還表示，她認為捕犬崗位要求的工作經驗，是泛指基層工作經驗，并非一定就是捕犬經驗。而對于記者發現同樣的捕犬崗位對不同學歷者有不同經歷要求的疑惑，楊小姐稱，這是由上級主管部門商議決定的。
主管單位
最終招錄要靠分數說話
江干城管要求的基層經歷到底該如何理解，它對考生報考崗位又有什么影響?記者就此電話咨詢了浙江省公務員考試管理辦公室。
工作人員告訴記者，2年以上基層工作經歷是指：2009年11月28日前在各類企事業單位和其他經濟組織、社會組織和生產一線、農村、縣級(含)以下黨政機關工作，或曾在軍隊團(含)以下單位服役，自謀職業、個體經營累計2年以上的經歷。但他同時強調，工作經歷并不影響公務員選拔，最終招錄還是要靠分數說話，即筆試和面試成績之和，由高到低選拔錄用。
那么，如果總分相同，是不是會更看重有類似崗位工作經歷者呢?對此，工作人員給予了否定。他說：“這種情況還很少見，但即使總分一樣，也會優先考慮筆試分數高的，不管是否有相關經歷。”
對于不同的經歷要求，該工作人員稱，按照有關法規，凡達到專科學歷都可以報考，一定的基層經歷要求也是符合國家有關規定的。
Tag:醫療 |
醫療用品 |
輪椅 |
血壓計 |
助聽器 |
Gift |
Gifts |
Presents |
be a tutor |
補習 |
補習介紹 |
上門補習 |
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杭州江干區城市管理行政執法大隊公務員招考，要求具有捕犬經驗。 沈一帆 繪
公務員招考一年熱過一年，對應試者的條件要求比較嚴格也不足為怪，但看到下面這個職位的要求，相信還是會讓人一頭霧水：應試者要有2年的“捕犬”經歷才可以報考。
這是什么職位?為何要求如此奇怪?記者隨后展開了采訪調查。
想考城管執法崗位
需有兩年“捕犬”工作經歷
給本報打來電話的是杭州市民朱小姐。她說自己的弟弟今年準備報考公務員，各方面都符合要求，但卻卡在了經歷要求上，“我真想不通，考公務員要捕狗經歷有什么用?”
朱小姐的弟弟小朱是大專畢業。11月28日本年度公務員招考報名開始后，小朱翻遍了招錄崗位，最后選定了杭州江干區城市管理行政執法大隊。但他點擊報考選項、查看詳細信息、準備申請的時候，備注條件讓他傻了眼：要具有兩年以上基層工作經歷，要從事捕犬、拆違工作……
作為行政執法隊員，為什么一定要捕狗經驗呢?小朱覺得哭笑不得：“我去哪里找兩年的‘捕狗’工作經歷呢?再說，就算我有‘捕犬’經歷，我又該找什么單位來開具這樣的工作經歷證明呢?”
記者調查
都是“捕犬”也有不同要求
城管執法與捕犬有什么必然聯系呢?昨天下午，記者登錄了2010年浙江省各級機關考試錄用報名系統，在杭州崗位目錄第6頁找到了小朱準備報名的崗位：江干區城市管理行政執法大隊“執法隊員6”，對招考對象的要求是“具有兩年以上基層工作經歷”，同時備注為“從事捕犬、拆違工作”。
與此同時，記者還發現：同一個城管單位，同樣的捕犬崗位，卻有不同的經歷要求。小朱要報考的“執法隊員6”招考對象要有工作經歷，學歷要求大學專科及其以上;而同屬于江干城管崗位的“執法隊員5”，同樣是從事捕犬、拆違工作，招考對象卻沒有工作經歷要求，學歷要求為大學本科及其以上。對此，小朱頗感無奈：“學歷是本科，就不要求有‘捕犬’工作經歷;學歷是專科就有了這個要求。看來，我們這樣學歷低的人就必須得有點(捕狗的)體力，實在不公平啊。”
用人單位
只是為說明工作性質
用人單位設置這樣的奇怪“要求”又是出于什么樣的考慮呢?昨天下午，記者首先聯系上江干區城管行政執法局團工委副書記周邱憶女士，她在電話里告訴記者，城管工作分類有犬類執法，之所以提出相關要求，也是想招一些專業人員，但詳細情況還是建議直接咨詢局辦公室。
隨后，記者又聯系上江干區城管行政執法局辦公室，工作人員楊小姐強調，這只是為了說明工作性質。“在以往的招聘中，有人沖著公務員的名頭來報考，千人過獨木橋，好不容易考進來才發現工作很苦很累，和想象的有差距，有的甚至受不了就辭職了，這給考生本人和用人單位都帶來了不小的麻煩。為了讓彼此互相了解，并有一個雙向選擇的機會，我們才把崗位的工作性質也都標注出來。”
同時，楊小姐還表示，她認為捕犬崗位要求的工作經驗，是泛指基層工作經驗，并非一定就是捕犬經驗。而對于記者發現同樣的捕犬崗位對不同學歷者有不同經歷要求的疑惑，楊小姐稱，這是由上級主管部門商議決定的。
主管單位
最終招錄要靠分數說話
江干城管要求的基層經歷到底該如何理解，它對考生報考崗位又有什么影響?記者就此電話咨詢了浙江省公務員考試管理辦公室。
工作人員告訴記者，2年以上基層工作經歷是指：2009年11月28日前在各類企事業單位和其他經濟組織、社會組織和生產一線、農村、縣級(含)以下黨政機關工作，或曾在軍隊團(含)以下單位服役，自謀職業、個體經營累計2年以上的經歷。但他同時強調，工作經歷并不影響公務員選拔，最終招錄還是要靠分數說話，即筆試和面試成績之和，由高到低選拔錄用。
那么，如果總分相同，是不是會更看重有類似崗位工作經歷者呢?對此，工作人員給予了否定。他說：“這種情況還很少見，但即使總分一樣，也會優先考慮筆試分數高的，不管是否有相關經歷。”
對于不同的經歷要求，該工作人員稱，按照有關法規，凡達到專科學歷都可以報考，一定的基層經歷要求也是符合國家有關規定的。
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哈工大和黑大停止小語種單招 小語種入高考統考
哈工大和黑大停止小語種單招 小語種入高考統考
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12日，記者從有關方面獲悉，以往相對獨立的單獨招生的小語種今年將首次被納入高考統考范圍，在提前批次錄取。作為小語種單招試點高校，哈工大和黑龍江大學今年小語種將停止單獨招生，省內任何一所高中有志學習小語種的考生今年都可以報考。
據了解，教育部2008年下發通知說，經過一至兩年試點，有關高校的小語種招生要逐步過渡到在參加全國統考生源范圍內進行本科提前批次錄取。日前，北京外國語大學、武漢大學、黑龍江大學、哈工大等我國試點單獨招收小語種專業的學校都發布了今年小語種單招停招的消息。記者從黑龍江大學招生辦獲悉，今年該校首次停止小語種單招，除了選擇報考外語類專業的保送生以外，想學小語種都要參加全國統一高考，在提前批次錄取。哈工大招生辦相關負責人也表示，今年該校小語種也不再舉行單獨招生考試。據悉，2009年，我國25所試點高校小語種招生采取的是自主命題考試和單獨錄取，招生范圍僅在具有推薦保送生資格的外國語中學和重點高中，正式錄取的考生不再參加全國統一高考。
今年起試點高校小語種逐步停止單招，意味著參加高考的考生都可以報考小語種專業，高校的招生范圍和考生的報考范圍均擴大了。
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12日，記者從有關方面獲悉，以往相對獨立的單獨招生的小語種今年將首次被納入高考統考范圍，在提前批次錄取。作為小語種單招試點高校，哈工大和黑龍江大學今年小語種將停止單獨招生，省內任何一所高中有志學習小語種的考生今年都可以報考。
據了解，教育部2008年下發通知說，經過一至兩年試點，有關高校的小語種招生要逐步過渡到在參加全國統考生源范圍內進行本科提前批次錄取。日前，北京外國語大學、武漢大學、黑龍江大學、哈工大等我國試點單獨招收小語種專業的學校都發布了今年小語種單招停招的消息。記者從黑龍江大學招生辦獲悉，今年該校首次停止小語種單招，除了選擇報考外語類專業的保送生以外，想學小語種都要參加全國統一高考，在提前批次錄取。哈工大招生辦相關負責人也表示，今年該校小語種也不再舉行單獨招生考試。據悉，2009年，我國25所試點高校小語種招生采取的是自主命題考試和單獨錄取，招生范圍僅在具有推薦保送生資格的外國語中學和重點高中，正式錄取的考生不再參加全國統一高考。
今年起試點高校小語種逐步停止單招，意味著參加高考的考生都可以報考小語種專業，高校的招生范圍和考生的報考范圍均擴大了。
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2010年10月25日星期一
內蒙古出新政促就業 幫助零就業家庭就業
內蒙古出新政促就業 幫助零就業家庭就業
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新華網呼和浩特2月2日專電（記者李云平）記者日前從內蒙古自治區勞動和社會保障廳獲悉，2009年，內蒙古積極應對就業工作面臨的嚴峻挑戰，制定一系列積極就業政策，全年城鎮新增就業21．6萬人，城鎮登記失業率控制在4．05％以內。
2009年以來，面對金融危機的影響，內蒙古實施了穩定就業崗位、以創業帶動就業、擴大就業培訓規模、開展就業援助、強化就業服務等一系列積極就業政策，有效地推動就業工作。采取允許企業緩繳社會保險費，階段性降低四項社會保險費率，使用失業保險基金，鼓勵困難企業開展職工在崗培訓等措施幫助困難企業穩定就業崗位。
同時，內蒙古在建筑業、家政服務業、交通物流業等8大行業組織開展勞動就業示范和帶動工程，進一步促進就業、再就業；開展“就業援助周”“春風行動”“幫助零就業家庭就業”等活動，提升就業服務水平。
2009年，內蒙古農村牧區勞動力轉移就業235萬人，其中轉移就業6個月以上的168萬人；培訓城鄉勞動者65萬人。組織實施高校畢業生服務基層、人才儲備、擴大公務員考錄、事業單位招聘等促進大學生就業的專項計劃，使8萬多名高校畢業生落實了就業去向。
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新華網呼和浩特2月2日專電（記者李云平）記者日前從內蒙古自治區勞動和社會保障廳獲悉，2009年，內蒙古積極應對就業工作面臨的嚴峻挑戰，制定一系列積極就業政策，全年城鎮新增就業21．6萬人，城鎮登記失業率控制在4．05％以內。
2009年以來，面對金融危機的影響，內蒙古實施了穩定就業崗位、以創業帶動就業、擴大就業培訓規模、開展就業援助、強化就業服務等一系列積極就業政策，有效地推動就業工作。采取允許企業緩繳社會保險費，階段性降低四項社會保險費率，使用失業保險基金，鼓勵困難企業開展職工在崗培訓等措施幫助困難企業穩定就業崗位。
同時，內蒙古在建筑業、家政服務業、交通物流業等8大行業組織開展勞動就業示范和帶動工程，進一步促進就業、再就業；開展“就業援助周”“春風行動”“幫助零就業家庭就業”等活動，提升就業服務水平。
2009年，內蒙古農村牧區勞動力轉移就業235萬人，其中轉移就業6個月以上的168萬人；培訓城鄉勞動者65萬人。組織實施高校畢業生服務基層、人才儲備、擴大公務員考錄、事業單位招聘等促進大學生就業的專項計劃，使8萬多名高校畢業生落實了就業去向。
Tag: 禮品|
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business centre |
usb flash drive |
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明年3G人才就業前景樂觀 入行起薪達5000元
明年3G人才就業前景樂觀 入行起薪達5000元
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導讀：進入第四季度，日益火爆的校園大戰中，通訊技術成為熱門行業，招聘規模勝于往年。與跨國公司謹小慎微收縮戰線相比較，本土通信設備企業卻紛紛打出擴張旗幟，令相關專業的高校畢業生們熱血沸騰。
進入第四季度以來，日益火爆的校園大戰中，通訊技術成為熱門行業，招聘規模勝于往年。與跨國公司謹小慎微收縮戰線相比較，本土通信設備企業卻紛紛打出擴張旗幟，令相關專業的高校畢業生們熱血沸騰。
3G相關產業大量招聘人才
據悉，中興通訊[39.78 0.45%]今年的校園招聘覆蓋全國20個城市、43所重點高校，招聘規模在4000人以上。為增強研發實力，招聘崗位90％以上以研發技術類為主，包括軟件研發工程師、硬件研發工程師、售前／售后技術支持工程師等，還有部分市場、財務、物流及小語種崗位等。招聘對象則主要面向通信、計算機、電子類專業的博士、碩士研究生，專業選擇范圍涉及自控、測試技術等20個大類。中興通訊一位副總表示：“3G、4G的啟動對技術創新提出更高要求，我們需要大量優秀人才加入。”
國內最大的3G門戶網站也啟動了校園宣講會。招聘崗位包括研發類、產品類、市場類以及編輯類職位，預計招收100余人。需求3G招聘傾向高端技術人才。
Tag: 禮品|
gift|
環保袋|
recycle bag|
補習 |
business centre |
usb flash drive |
wedding gift |
baby gap |
日韓時裝 |
日韓童裝 |
童裝 |
迷你倉
醫療用品
輪椅
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導讀：進入第四季度，日益火爆的校園大戰中，通訊技術成為熱門行業，招聘規模勝于往年。與跨國公司謹小慎微收縮戰線相比較，本土通信設備企業卻紛紛打出擴張旗幟，令相關專業的高校畢業生們熱血沸騰。
進入第四季度以來，日益火爆的校園大戰中，通訊技術成為熱門行業，招聘規模勝于往年。與跨國公司謹小慎微收縮戰線相比較，本土通信設備企業卻紛紛打出擴張旗幟，令相關專業的高校畢業生們熱血沸騰。
3G相關產業大量招聘人才
據悉，中興通訊[39.78 0.45%]今年的校園招聘覆蓋全國20個城市、43所重點高校，招聘規模在4000人以上。為增強研發實力，招聘崗位90％以上以研發技術類為主，包括軟件研發工程師、硬件研發工程師、售前／售后技術支持工程師等，還有部分市場、財務、物流及小語種崗位等。招聘對象則主要面向通信、計算機、電子類專業的博士、碩士研究生，專業選擇范圍涉及自控、測試技術等20個大類。中興通訊一位副總表示：“3G、4G的啟動對技術創新提出更高要求，我們需要大量優秀人才加入。”
國內最大的3G門戶網站也啟動了校園宣講會。招聘崗位包括研發類、產品類、市場類以及編輯類職位，預計招收100余人。需求3G招聘傾向高端技術人才。
Tag: 禮品|
gift|
環保袋|
recycle bag|
補習 |
business centre |
usb flash drive |
wedding gift |
baby gap |
日韓時裝 |
日韓童裝 |
童裝 |
迷你倉
醫療用品
輪椅
瞄準留學"蛋糕"補習機構推小語種培訓
瞄準留學"蛋糕"補習機構推小語種培訓
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四川在線消息近年來，隨著出國留學逐漸國際化、普遍化，成都的出國留學人數以每年20%左右的速度不斷遞增，而且這一數字還將繼續被刷新。隨著出國留學的大眾化，留學生的年齡也越來越低。留學人數的不斷增長，催生了各種小語種培訓的熱潮。
“充電”成常態催生小語種培訓熱
“以前我們只聽說中學生、大學生出國留學，最近還有小學生也在我們這兒參加外語培訓準備出國留學。”望子成龍學校校長蔣楊斌說。記者日前在成都的不少培訓機構發現，從前只專注于文化補習的培訓機構已開始涉獵除英語外的其他小語種培訓。而戴氏英語、成都新東方、英日語、外專外語等老牌培訓機構，從多年前就開始從事出國留學類語言培訓。
外專外語校長林洪認為，成都地處天府之國，文化氣息濃郁，成都人重視子女教育，希望通過讀書改變命運的觀念根深蒂固，在教育消費上也舍得投入。隨著成都出國留學、移民人數的增長、不少國家相繼在成都設立領事館，以及眾多外資企業落戶成都，成都外語學習熱正不斷升溫。補習機構正是看中了這塊巨大的蛋糕，進一步完善自己的培訓項目，以便在競爭中占領更大的份額。業內人士預測，隨著就業競爭、工作壓力的加劇，外語“充電”將成為常態。
爭奪市場份額培訓機構完善產品線
“以前我們只開設了文化考試、素質教育方面的培訓，但是最近前來咨詢日語、韓語、德語、法語、韓語等小語種培訓的人相當的多，不但有中學生、成年人，而且還有小學生。因此，今年我們特別開設了國際語言中心，推出了全外教口語班、小語種班，并申請了聘請外教專家的資格證書，針對學生進行量身定制式的培訓。”蔣楊斌說。
據了解，目前成都教育培訓已實現了從應試教育、英語培訓到以外語培訓、IT培訓和少兒、青少年素質教育為主，兼顧出國留學培訓、企業管理類培訓、金融培訓、輔助考試類培訓等成人類多元化培訓格局，培訓種類相當齊全，不同年齡、不同需求的學習者都能找到適合自己的培訓項目。隨著一系列教育政策的出臺，培訓市場的蛋糕將迅速擴大，培訓機構、培訓項目將更加多元化，誰在培市轉型中搶得更多的市場份額，誰就能在競爭中占得先機。
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
四川在線消息近年來，隨著出國留學逐漸國際化、普遍化，成都的出國留學人數以每年20%左右的速度不斷遞增，而且這一數字還將繼續被刷新。隨著出國留學的大眾化，留學生的年齡也越來越低。留學人數的不斷增長，催生了各種小語種培訓的熱潮。
“充電”成常態催生小語種培訓熱
“以前我們只聽說中學生、大學生出國留學，最近還有小學生也在我們這兒參加外語培訓準備出國留學。”望子成龍學校校長蔣楊斌說。記者日前在成都的不少培訓機構發現，從前只專注于文化補習的培訓機構已開始涉獵除英語外的其他小語種培訓。而戴氏英語、成都新東方、英日語、外專外語等老牌培訓機構，從多年前就開始從事出國留學類語言培訓。
外專外語校長林洪認為，成都地處天府之國，文化氣息濃郁，成都人重視子女教育，希望通過讀書改變命運的觀念根深蒂固，在教育消費上也舍得投入。隨著成都出國留學、移民人數的增長、不少國家相繼在成都設立領事館，以及眾多外資企業落戶成都，成都外語學習熱正不斷升溫。補習機構正是看中了這塊巨大的蛋糕，進一步完善自己的培訓項目，以便在競爭中占領更大的份額。業內人士預測，隨著就業競爭、工作壓力的加劇，外語“充電”將成為常態。
爭奪市場份額培訓機構完善產品線
“以前我們只開設了文化考試、素質教育方面的培訓，但是最近前來咨詢日語、韓語、德語、法語、韓語等小語種培訓的人相當的多，不但有中學生、成年人，而且還有小學生。因此，今年我們特別開設了國際語言中心，推出了全外教口語班、小語種班，并申請了聘請外教專家的資格證書，針對學生進行量身定制式的培訓。”蔣楊斌說。
據了解，目前成都教育培訓已實現了從應試教育、英語培訓到以外語培訓、IT培訓和少兒、青少年素質教育為主，兼顧出國留學培訓、企業管理類培訓、金融培訓、輔助考試類培訓等成人類多元化培訓格局，培訓種類相當齊全，不同年齡、不同需求的學習者都能找到適合自己的培訓項目。隨著一系列教育政策的出臺，培訓市場的蛋糕將迅速擴大，培訓機構、培訓項目將更加多元化，誰在培市轉型中搶得更多的市場份額，誰就能在競爭中占得先機。
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美劇風靡高校 大學生紛紛效仿劇中主角時尚穿著
美劇風靡高校 大學生紛紛效仿劇中主角時尚穿著
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女大學生穿衣風格體現美劇時尚。李錦余 攝
自2006年的美國電視劇《越獄》在中國高校風風火火上演，越來越多的美國電視劇走進中國大學生的視野，尤其是《The O.C》、《青春密語》、《緋聞少女》等青春偶像劇更是讓廣東高校女學生每個星期追著看。對為什么女大學生喜歡追看美劇的問題？不少女大學生表示，美劇中主角穿著打扮十分時尚，希望可以從其中學到一些穿衣打扮的藝術。
廣東外語外貿大學大三的許影(化名)就是標準的美劇迷。她告訴筆者從大一的時候就開始追看《The O.C》和《緋聞少女》，“女主角的穿著打扮都好有品味，有很有時尚感，我真的很喜歡。可惜她們穿的裙子都是名牌，我們都買不起，只能買到類似的款式的裙子。”許影說她和舍友喜歡模仿《緋聞少女》中布萊爾的穿著來打扮自己，“她沒那么高，身材和我們相似，瑟琳娜太高挑了，她穿的衣服我們穿不好看的。”所以她總是買嬌小型的連衣裙和甜美公主裝。
寬松的白襯衫，帥氣的小領帶，收身扎腳七分牛仔褲。這是華南農業大學模特班學生陽陽(化名)最喜歡的打扮。“我和瑟琳娜差不多高，很喜歡她的混搭風，能把很簡單的衣服穿得很有個性。”陽陽告訴筆者，她和朋友常常上網購物，買的衣服大多數是參考美劇中主角的混搭風。
“雖然身材沒人家好，也沒那么多錢，不能買到和她們一樣的衣服，但是那些款式類似的穿起來就很有感覺了。”陽陽說她喜歡舞臺，喜歡走在路上被關注的感覺，“穿著打扮是一門藝術，美國人的時尚還是比較趕潮流的。”
筆者來到暨南大學、廣東美術學院，看到不少女大學生都打扮時髦，不管是身上的別致的小外套，浪漫的碎花裙，還是頭上的精致的小發箍，都顯示出與美劇里主角類似的潮流感和時尚感。
“我覺得《90210》里那歐米的衣服最有時尚感，尤其是她的小外套和晚禮服，我今天就網購了一件黑白相見的小外套。”廣美的米米自豪地告訴筆者，“女生要趁著年輕多感受時尚感，多看美劇自己對衣著的審美觀都會提升。XOXO，be a beautiful girl！(做個漂亮女孩)”。(黃雪琴)
Tag: 禮品|
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
女大學生穿衣風格體現美劇時尚。李錦余 攝
自2006年的美國電視劇《越獄》在中國高校風風火火上演，越來越多的美國電視劇走進中國大學生的視野，尤其是《The O.C》、《青春密語》、《緋聞少女》等青春偶像劇更是讓廣東高校女學生每個星期追著看。對為什么女大學生喜歡追看美劇的問題？不少女大學生表示，美劇中主角穿著打扮十分時尚，希望可以從其中學到一些穿衣打扮的藝術。
廣東外語外貿大學大三的許影(化名)就是標準的美劇迷。她告訴筆者從大一的時候就開始追看《The O.C》和《緋聞少女》，“女主角的穿著打扮都好有品味，有很有時尚感，我真的很喜歡。可惜她們穿的裙子都是名牌，我們都買不起，只能買到類似的款式的裙子。”許影說她和舍友喜歡模仿《緋聞少女》中布萊爾的穿著來打扮自己，“她沒那么高，身材和我們相似，瑟琳娜太高挑了，她穿的衣服我們穿不好看的。”所以她總是買嬌小型的連衣裙和甜美公主裝。
寬松的白襯衫，帥氣的小領帶，收身扎腳七分牛仔褲。這是華南農業大學模特班學生陽陽(化名)最喜歡的打扮。“我和瑟琳娜差不多高，很喜歡她的混搭風，能把很簡單的衣服穿得很有個性。”陽陽告訴筆者，她和朋友常常上網購物，買的衣服大多數是參考美劇中主角的混搭風。
“雖然身材沒人家好，也沒那么多錢，不能買到和她們一樣的衣服，但是那些款式類似的穿起來就很有感覺了。”陽陽說她喜歡舞臺，喜歡走在路上被關注的感覺，“穿著打扮是一門藝術，美國人的時尚還是比較趕潮流的。”
筆者來到暨南大學、廣東美術學院，看到不少女大學生都打扮時髦，不管是身上的別致的小外套，浪漫的碎花裙，還是頭上的精致的小發箍，都顯示出與美劇里主角類似的潮流感和時尚感。
“我覺得《90210》里那歐米的衣服最有時尚感，尤其是她的小外套和晚禮服，我今天就網購了一件黑白相見的小外套。”廣美的米米自豪地告訴筆者，“女生要趁著年輕多感受時尚感，多看美劇自己對衣著的審美觀都會提升。XOXO，be a beautiful girl！(做個漂亮女孩)”。(黃雪琴)
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六部門：實施三個計劃解決高校畢業生就業問題
六部門：實施三個計劃解決高校畢業生就業問題
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中廣網北京4月15日消息（記者王譽穎 田蕾）記者從人力資源社會保障部等六部門聯合召開的“2010高校畢業生就業推進行動電視電話會議”上了解到，“2010高校畢業生就業推進行動”是通過實施“崗位拓展計劃、創業引領計劃、就業服務與援助計劃”三個計劃，使應屆高校畢業生離校時初次就業率達70%左右，當年底總體就業率達80%以上；有就業意愿的離校未就業高校畢業生都能參與到相關就業準備活動中，得到免費公共就業服務。
通過完善稅費優惠、小額擔保貸款、實施相應的學費和國家貸款代償政策，以及實施鼓勵高校、科研機構和企業在所承擔的國家重點科技計劃和基金項目中聘用高校畢業生作為研究助理或輔助人員參與研究工作等項目，將為高校畢業生提供 “三個一”服務（送一批就業崗位信息進校園、組織專家開展一次就業政策咨詢和職業指導活動、提供一本就業手冊），引導高校畢業生到基層就業，實現自主創業和靈活就業。
人力資源和社會保障部部長尹蔚民認為，我國的大學生不是多了，而是不夠。要解決高校畢業生就業問題就要突出重點、狠抓落實。
Tag: 禮品|
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
中廣網北京4月15日消息（記者王譽穎 田蕾）記者從人力資源社會保障部等六部門聯合召開的“2010高校畢業生就業推進行動電視電話會議”上了解到，“2010高校畢業生就業推進行動”是通過實施“崗位拓展計劃、創業引領計劃、就業服務與援助計劃”三個計劃，使應屆高校畢業生離校時初次就業率達70%左右，當年底總體就業率達80%以上；有就業意愿的離校未就業高校畢業生都能參與到相關就業準備活動中，得到免費公共就業服務。
通過完善稅費優惠、小額擔保貸款、實施相應的學費和國家貸款代償政策，以及實施鼓勵高校、科研機構和企業在所承擔的國家重點科技計劃和基金項目中聘用高校畢業生作為研究助理或輔助人員參與研究工作等項目，將為高校畢業生提供 “三個一”服務（送一批就業崗位信息進校園、組織專家開展一次就業政策咨詢和職業指導活動、提供一本就業手冊），引導高校畢業生到基層就業，實現自主創業和靈活就業。
人力資源和社會保障部部長尹蔚民認為，我國的大學生不是多了，而是不夠。要解決高校畢業生就業問題就要突出重點、狠抓落實。
Tag: 禮品|
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2010年10月22日星期五
補習-Learning：A Lifelong Career
補習-Learning：A Lifelong Career
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編者按：學習之于心靈，就像食物之于身體一樣。攝取了適量的營養食物，我們的身體得以生長而肌肉得以發達。 同樣地，我們應該日復一日不斷地學習以保持我們心智的敏銳，并擴充我們的智力容量。不斷的學習提供我們用之不盡的燃料，來驅使我們磨礪我們的推理、分析和判斷的能力。持續的學習是在信息時代中跟時代井駕齊驅的最穩當的方法，也是在變動的時代中成功的可靠保證。
As food is to the body, so is learning to the mind. Our bodies grow and muscles develop with the intake of adequate nutritious food. Likewise, we should keep learning day by day to maintain our keen mental power and expand our intellectual capacity. Constant learning supplies us with inex-haustible fuel for driving us to sharpen our power of reasoning, analysis, and judgment. Learning incessantly is the surest way to keep pace with the times in the information age, and reliable warrant of success in times of uncertainty.
Once learning stops, vegetation sets in. It is a common fallacy to regard school as the only workshop for the acquisition of knowledge. On the contrary, learning should be a neyer-ending process, from the cradle to the grave. With the world changing so fast, to cease learning for just a few days will make a person lag behind. What's worse, the animal instinct dormant deep in our sub-conscious will come to life.weakening our will to pursue our noble ideas, undermining our determination to sweep away obstacles to our success and strangling our desire for the refinement of our character. Lack of learning will inevitably lead to the stagnation of the mind, or even worse, its fossilization. Therefore, to stay mentally young, we have to take learning as a lifelong career.
學習之于心靈，就像食物之于身體一樣。攝取了適量的營養食物，我們的身體得以生長而肌肉得以發達。 同樣地，我們應該日復一日不斷地學習以保持我們心智的敏銳，并擴充我們的智力容量。不斷的學習提供我們用之不盡的燃料，來驅使我們磨礪我們的推理、分析和判斷的能力。持續的學習是在信息時代中跟時代井駕齊驅的最穩當的方法，也是在變動的時代中成功的可靠保證。
一旦學習停止，單調貧乏的生活就開始了。視學校為汲取知識的惟一場所是種常見的謬誤。相反地，從生到死,學習應該是一種無終止的歷程。 由于世界變化得如此迅速，只要學習停頓數日就能使人落后。更糟的是，蟄伏在我們潛意識深處的獸性本能就會復活，削弱我們追求高尚理想的意志，弱化我們掃除成功障礙的決心，而且扼殺我們凈化我們人格的欲望。缺少學習將不可避免地導致心靈的停滯，甚至更糟，使其僵化。因此，為了保持心態年輕，我們必須將學習當作一生的事業
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編者按：學習之于心靈，就像食物之于身體一樣。攝取了適量的營養食物，我們的身體得以生長而肌肉得以發達。 同樣地，我們應該日復一日不斷地學習以保持我們心智的敏銳，并擴充我們的智力容量。不斷的學習提供我們用之不盡的燃料，來驅使我們磨礪我們的推理、分析和判斷的能力。持續的學習是在信息時代中跟時代井駕齊驅的最穩當的方法，也是在變動的時代中成功的可靠保證。
As food is to the body, so is learning to the mind. Our bodies grow and muscles develop with the intake of adequate nutritious food. Likewise, we should keep learning day by day to maintain our keen mental power and expand our intellectual capacity. Constant learning supplies us with inex-haustible fuel for driving us to sharpen our power of reasoning, analysis, and judgment. Learning incessantly is the surest way to keep pace with the times in the information age, and reliable warrant of success in times of uncertainty.
Once learning stops, vegetation sets in. It is a common fallacy to regard school as the only workshop for the acquisition of knowledge. On the contrary, learning should be a neyer-ending process, from the cradle to the grave. With the world changing so fast, to cease learning for just a few days will make a person lag behind. What's worse, the animal instinct dormant deep in our sub-conscious will come to life.weakening our will to pursue our noble ideas, undermining our determination to sweep away obstacles to our success and strangling our desire for the refinement of our character. Lack of learning will inevitably lead to the stagnation of the mind, or even worse, its fossilization. Therefore, to stay mentally young, we have to take learning as a lifelong career.
學習之于心靈，就像食物之于身體一樣。攝取了適量的營養食物，我們的身體得以生長而肌肉得以發達。 同樣地，我們應該日復一日不斷地學習以保持我們心智的敏銳，并擴充我們的智力容量。不斷的學習提供我們用之不盡的燃料，來驅使我們磨礪我們的推理、分析和判斷的能力。持續的學習是在信息時代中跟時代井駕齊驅的最穩當的方法，也是在變動的時代中成功的可靠保證。
一旦學習停止，單調貧乏的生活就開始了。視學校為汲取知識的惟一場所是種常見的謬誤。相反地，從生到死,學習應該是一種無終止的歷程。 由于世界變化得如此迅速，只要學習停頓數日就能使人落后。更糟的是，蟄伏在我們潛意識深處的獸性本能就會復活，削弱我們追求高尚理想的意志，弱化我們掃除成功障礙的決心，而且扼殺我們凈化我們人格的欲望。缺少學習將不可避免地導致心靈的停滯，甚至更糟，使其僵化。因此，為了保持心態年輕，我們必須將學習當作一生的事業
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補習-John F. Kennedy
補習-John F. Kennedy
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In June of 1963, President John F. Kennedy embarked on a visit to five Western European nations for the purpose of spreading good will and building unity among America's allies.
His first stop was Germany, a nation that less than 20 years before had been engaged in a quest for world conquest under the dictatorship of Hitler. Following Germany's defeat in the Second World War, the country had been divided in half, with East Germany under Soviet control and West Germany becoming a democratic nation.
East-West Germany soon became the focus of growing political tensions between the two new superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Berlin, former capital of Hitler's Reich, became the political hot spot in this new 'cold' war. Although the city was located in East Germany, Berlin itself was divided, with East Berlin under Soviet control and West Berlin under American, English and French jurisdiction.
In 1948, the Soviets conducted a temporary blockade of West Berlin's railroads, highways and waterways. For the next eleven months, the U.S. and Britain conducted a massive airlift, supplying nearly two million tons of food, coal and industrial supplies to the besieged people.
In 1961, East German authorities began construction of a 12 foot high wall which would eventually stretch for 100 miles around the perimeter of West Berlin, preventing anyone from crossing to the West and to freedom. (Nearly 200 persons would be killed trying to pass over or dig under the wall.)
President Kennedy arrived in Berlin on June 26, 1963, following appearances in Bonn, Cologne and Frankfurt, where he had given speeches to huge, wildly cheering crowds. In Berlin, an immense crowd gathered in the Rudolph Wilde Platz near the Berlin Wall to listen to the President who delivered this memorable speech above all the noise, concluding with the now famous ending.
Photos: Left - At the Berlin Wall, President Kennedy looks across at a guard from East Germany. Right - In Berlin, the President speaks to the enormous crowd of Germans.
I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin. And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.
Two thousand years ago the proudest boast was civis Romanus sum. Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is Ich bin ein Berliner.
I appreciate my interpreter translating my German!
There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin. And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress. Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen. Let them come to Berlin.
Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in, to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of my countrymen, who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope and the determination of the city of West Berlin. While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system, for all the world to see, we take no satisfaction in it, for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.
What is true of this city is true of Germany--real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people. You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main. So let me ask you as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.
Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe. When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.
All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words Ich bin ein Berliner.
President John F. Kennedy - June 26, 1963
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In June of 1963, President John F. Kennedy embarked on a visit to five Western European nations for the purpose of spreading good will and building unity among America's allies.
His first stop was Germany, a nation that less than 20 years before had been engaged in a quest for world conquest under the dictatorship of Hitler. Following Germany's defeat in the Second World War, the country had been divided in half, with East Germany under Soviet control and West Germany becoming a democratic nation.
East-West Germany soon became the focus of growing political tensions between the two new superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Berlin, former capital of Hitler's Reich, became the political hot spot in this new 'cold' war. Although the city was located in East Germany, Berlin itself was divided, with East Berlin under Soviet control and West Berlin under American, English and French jurisdiction.
In 1948, the Soviets conducted a temporary blockade of West Berlin's railroads, highways and waterways. For the next eleven months, the U.S. and Britain conducted a massive airlift, supplying nearly two million tons of food, coal and industrial supplies to the besieged people.
In 1961, East German authorities began construction of a 12 foot high wall which would eventually stretch for 100 miles around the perimeter of West Berlin, preventing anyone from crossing to the West and to freedom. (Nearly 200 persons would be killed trying to pass over or dig under the wall.)
President Kennedy arrived in Berlin on June 26, 1963, following appearances in Bonn, Cologne and Frankfurt, where he had given speeches to huge, wildly cheering crowds. In Berlin, an immense crowd gathered in the Rudolph Wilde Platz near the Berlin Wall to listen to the President who delivered this memorable speech above all the noise, concluding with the now famous ending.
Photos: Left - At the Berlin Wall, President Kennedy looks across at a guard from East Germany. Right - In Berlin, the President speaks to the enormous crowd of Germans.
I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin. And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.
Two thousand years ago the proudest boast was civis Romanus sum. Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is Ich bin ein Berliner.
I appreciate my interpreter translating my German!
There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin. And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress. Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen. Let them come to Berlin.
Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in, to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of my countrymen, who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope and the determination of the city of West Berlin. While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system, for all the world to see, we take no satisfaction in it, for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.
What is true of this city is true of Germany--real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people. You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main. So let me ask you as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.
Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe. When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.
All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words Ich bin ein Berliner.
President John F. Kennedy - June 26, 1963
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